The Arrival of the Trump 2.0 Era

特朗普2.0啟幕

 

還有五天,便是特朗普2.0時代的正式開始。8年前,特朗普以半冷門姿態在大選中贏了希拉莉,在缺乏政壇經驗下登上總統寶座。就職典禮後,他還在着意於出席人數的多少。然而,這次他卻有備而來,當選後迅即組成內閣,並高調地提出一些將要推出的政策,如高關稅和擴張領土等。

他同時又接見多位外國領導人及大企業總裁,海湖莊園一時冠蓋雲集,重要人物絡繹不絕,一番未就任已指點江山的氣象,無視現任總統拜登。特朗普的得力助手馬斯克亦不甘後人,公然稱德國總理肖爾茨為蠢才,並公開支持極右的另類選擇黨。他又和一些政客盤算如何在英國下次大選前促使現任首相工黨的施紀賢下台,似乎在幫助特朗普成功競選後,愛上了造王者(kingmaker)的角色。這些出位的言行,預告了未來數年的國際風雲變幻。

特朗普2.0的政策目的仍然是「讓美國再次偉大」(Make America Great Again, MAGA),做法是「美國優先」(America First),政策範圍則包羅甚廣。美國甚為保守的智庫傳統基金會(Heritage Foundation)在2023年出版了「2025計劃」(Project 2025)報告,詳細列出不同範疇的政策執行方向。這份長達900頁的報告,有100多個保守主義機構和一些前特朗普政府的官員參與,雖然特朗普口口聲聲說報告和他無關,但可說代表了保守派主流思想。2016年特朗普競選總統時傳統基金會也有類似報告,並認為特朗普首兩年任期內已跟隨該報告的64%建議。

在經濟領域上,特朗普2.0比較確實的政策範圍包括減稅、減少貿易逆差和減少進入美國的移民。特朗普於2017年成功在國會通過「減稅及職位法案」(Tax Cuts and Jobs Act),但其中多項條款只是臨時的,將於本年底失效。若沒有進一步的立法行動,稅率便會在年底回升至之前的水平。

特朗普一方面希望有關的低稅率可以持續,另方面亦想進一步減稅。上述的「2025計劃」的建議是將現有稅率推倒重來,新的個人所得稅分15%30%兩種,企業所得稅則減至18%。有批評指出,這會增加低收入人士和減少高收入人士的稅務負擔,增加了稅後收入分配的不均。由於共和黨掌控了參眾兩院的多數,成功減稅的機會比較大,會為美國經濟帶來正面的刺激作用,同時也會提高美國企業的競爭力。

 

大削政府開支勢添民怨

 

另一方面,特朗普2.0亦計劃削減聯邦政府的財政開支,提高政府部門的效率。馬斯克曾經稍為隨意地提到,會減少政府開支2萬億元(美元下同),但這難以實現。在去年9月結束的財政年度,美國政府開支為6.75萬億元,2萬億元即佔總開支的30%。再看看開支中必須支付的,包括社會保障、醫療和國債利息,已達4.13億萬億元。餘下的再減2萬億便只有0.62萬億,連該年度的國防開支也不足,更無經費用於教育、基礎建設、退伍軍人福利等多個社會民生項目。當然,若要節省2萬億,肯定會影響政府運作和引發民怨。

特朗普2.0的減稅規模和幅度有多大仍未清楚,但無論如何,都會進一步增加美國國債。即使包括多次提及的對外國產品增加徵收關稅所得的財政收入,亦難以抵消削減所得稅的財赤效果。基於美元的「囂張的特權」(exorbitant privileges),美國政府已習慣了對財赤和國債的持續上升視若無睹,只要去美元化還未認真地打擊到美元在國際金融體系中的核心地位,美國兩黨仍會繼續透支未來。

特朗普及其顧問團隊常認為進口是給外國賺自己的錢,美國的貿易逆差是外國找美國的便宜。要減少貿易逆差,一是徵收關稅,另一是從匯率入手,迫使外國貨幣升值,兩者都會增加美國消費者購買外國產品的美元價格,減少他們的進口。但關稅可以選擇性地加於某些特定商品,因而也是制裁外國或保護本地產業的手段。

特朗普早前曾揚言要對中國產品加徵60%關稅和全球其他國家產品10%甚至20%的關稅,其後又以25%關稅威脅加拿大和墨西哥,要它們限制芬太尼和非法移民進入美國,最近又說以100%關稅對付那些要去美元化的金磚國家。要控制巴拿馬運河和格陵蘭島,也用關稅威脅巴拿馬和丹麥。

對眾多外地徵收大幅關稅,無異於減少外貿,趨向孤立主義,同時外國亦會還以顏色。全球分工已落實到零部件的層面,特朗普的多方面關稅容易誤中副車,亦會如迴力鏢般害人害己。到頭來美國的貿易或會趨向平衡,但那只是貿易收縮下的平衡,貿易帶來的增值皆付諸東流。首當其衝的美國企業或會進行多方面的游說,或以各種理由爭取豁免貿易限制,甚至因為競爭力不足而退出市場。估計美國會在特朗普2.0開始時對一些國家選擇性地加徵關稅,但稅率不會如傳聞般高。

在目前的環境下,美國難以迫使外國貨幣升值。一來面對美國的高關稅,正是需要讓貨幣貶值來抵消關稅,將貨幣升值就如送羊入虎口。二來目前全球眾多經濟體都處於增長疲弱情況,貨幣升值是倒行逆施。這情況和1985年的廣場協議時不同,當時的日本經濟如日中天,每每威脅着美國的領先地位,有條件讓日圓升值。當然,日本央行隨後的誤判和無效的政策,導致經濟呆滯多年,但那是後話。

 

加徵關稅將推高美國物價

 

反過來說,美國是否可以單方面讓美元貶值來促進出口?首先,直接影響美元匯價的是聯儲局的貨幣政策。在現有制度下,聯儲局毋須聽命於白宮。此外,美國的貨幣政策目標是2%的通脹率和最高就業的雙重使命,沒有匯率目標的考慮。換句話說,聯儲局實施貨幣政策,一貫以來都不是要調控美元匯率。若特朗普硬要更改貨幣制度的安排,自然會給美元及美元資產市場添上濃厚的不確定性和不透明性,美元亦會自然貶值,但此舉破壞性很大。

過去幾個月美國的通脹率似乎有很大黏性,雖然通脹率不很高,但遲遲未接近2%的目標,聯儲局減息的步伐也慢下來,似乎短期內改變不大,特別是特朗普2.0若真的加徵關稅,也會推高美國物價。

以特朗普唯我獨尊的性格,大概無論美國經濟如何如他所願,亦不會是他心目中的MAGA,因為世界上有一個足以與美國抗衡的中國,這也是他在2018年開始啟動貿易戰打擊中國的原因。然而美國並沒有贏得貿易戰,甚至在不同準則下都敗下陣來。隨後拜登政府對中國的多方面打壓都不成功。

如今特朗普再度上台,為了增加勝算,便巧取豪奪地增加美國的資源。主要是土地,和隨之而來的物資和戰略位置,於是有了特朗普2.0的啟幕,國際政治一下子回到二戰前的亂局。也許戰後的80年是歷史的偏差,規則制定者最終也是規則破壞者。

一個被法庭定罪的重犯(convicted felon),曾經在4年前挑動政變、兩次被國會彈劾、謊話連篇的政客,可以第二度登上全球最高權力的位置,應該是超乎政治學倫理和想像的異數,但特朗普2.0並非個人現象,在他後面有7700多萬投票給他的美國選民,以及眾多攀附的政客、資本家和科技巨頭。歷史不會終結。

 

陸炎輝博士
港大經管學院榮譽副教授

 

(本文同時於二零二五年一月十五日載於《信報》「龍虎山下」專欄)

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Behavioural Economics in Action: Insights from Deadly Industrial Accidents

行爲經濟學之效:從致命工業意外說起

致命工業意外在香港時有發生,2024年上半年共11宗,較前年同期有所增加。勞工處公布,這些意外中有5宗關乎建造業,2宗與製造業有關,餘下4宗則涉及運輸、倉庫、郵政及速遞服務。建造業在職業安全健康方面一向存在較多問題,該5宗相關致命意外關乎有害物質、有人受困、被墮下的物件擊中等。

有立法會議員關注建造業界的安全意識薄弱,爲趕工而導致意外。勞工處指出,業界貪快、貪方便、「要錢唔要命」的弊病頗爲常見;如果做足安全措施,大部分意外本可避免。

經濟學假設人都是理性的,每個人的行爲應對自己最有利。要防止一件事情發生,就應該加大其成本,讓决策者加以避免。工業意外牽涉到雇員和雇主雙方;就雇員而言,如果安全措施沒做足,因工受傷甚至喪命,難道成本還不够大、還不應加倍小心嗎?

至于雇主方面,除了承擔賠償責任,還要被迫停工、接受監控、暫禁投標等。立法會2023年通過修訂《職業安全及職業健康法例(雜項修訂)條例草案》,最高罰款額由50萬元大增至1000萬元。加大成本難道還不足以讓公司警覺幷作出改善嗎?實行更嚴厲的法規、加强教育、監督雇員,對雇主而言,减少致命意外應該是收益大于成本,爲什麽情况未見明顯改善?

疏忽在所難免

近年興起的行爲經濟學認爲,人在决策、行動時,常常不够理性,幷沒有做出對自己最有利的選擇。認知科學、心理學爲這一說法提供了很多證據。美國心理學家Christopher Chabris和Daniel Simons曾經進行一項廣爲人知的實驗,其中安排6名學生互相傳遞籃球,然後將相關視頻播放給觀察者,要求他們點算其中3名穿白色上衣的學生總共傳球多少次。球來球往之際,有個身穿大猩猩服裝的人走到球員中間,捶胸頓足一番後便離開。這件匪夷所思的事情,竟有一半觀察者完全沒有注意到。短短數分鐘傳球過程中,舞臺背後的布景顔色瞬間改變,更是幾乎沒有觀察者留意得到。這一實驗後來被稱爲「有史以來最著名的心理學演示之一」,兩位研究者還因此獲頒搞笑諾貝爾獎。

有人說這是人爲製造的場景,你讓人去數傳球的次數,他當然不會注意有沒有大猩猩走過。問題是,我們在日常生活或决策過程中,雖然幷無受命要專注什麽,却自然而然只會專注某些事而忽略另外一些事。上述兩位學者亦曾在街頭進行另一實驗,其中參加者假裝在陌生的城市迷了路,向路過的人問路。在對話中安排了另外兩人抬著門板,强行從問路者和回答者中間穿插而過,而問路者與其中一個抬門板者巧妙互換。等門板過去,回答者繼續回答。雖然「調包」兩人的衣著、相貌差別很大,有一半觀察者却完全察覺不到問路者已經換了人。

如何避免意外

兩位學者的一系列研究都揭示,專注于某一件事的人,很容易忽略其他事情。2010年,他們將相關主題寫成《看不見的大猩猩》(The Invisible Gorilla: How Our Intuitions Deceive Us)一書,大獲好評,影響廣泛。書中大量例子表明,我們以爲可以全面、準確地觀察到周圍所發生的事情,但其實只看到這個世界的極小部分,而錯過了很多。我們的注意力、感知、記憶、推理,都有重大缺陷和錯失,常常導致代價高昂甚至危及生命的錯誤。

每個人都會犯類似的錯誤。香港每年都有多宗高層住客在晾衫時,意外跌出窗外而喪命的慘劇。在工業意外中死亡的雇員,也很可能基于同一原因:不是不懂後果嚴重,而是大大低估了發生事故的可能性。

要改善此情况,當然不能單靠加大懲罰力度,而要從教育入手。勞工處稱,有些個案每每發生在缺乏安全意識的少數族裔身上,因此要特別針對這個群組推展有關宣傳。

雇主方面,則需要考慮到底是公司對問題認知不足,還是只因尚未找到合適、有效的方法。如果是前者,當然應該進一步加重處罰,有議員就建議設立舉報機制。若是後者,則政府和行業協會應該加强教育、督促公司切實執行有關法規,委派專人監督,組織有效的經驗交流。

此外,不妨借助高科技,例如勞工處正在研究利用無人機協助搜證和執法。除了執法和懲罰,高科技還有更正面的作用。例如智能相機鏡頭現已用來及時發出警報,以免司機因打瞌睡而出意外,或長者上洗手間時摔倒。應用到工業場景,可研究能否在搭棚工人的頭盔裝上智能鏡頭,以監察工友在工作時是否已扣上安全繩。至于在固定場所(如工廠),安裝智能相機確保工業安全,相信較易實行。

理性還是非理性

注意力一時疏忽,看似是人類的認知缺失,但換個角度看,倒可以視爲人類認知的巨大成就。幾百萬年前,在非洲大草原上的人類祖先,需要在瞥見移動物體的瞬間,斷定是否獅子、豹子之類的吃人猛獸,是否需要拔腿就跑,而不是全面、準確、客觀地認識世界;在極短的時間內,根據一鱗半爪的訊息,就要迅速决定如何行動。換句話說,認知是解讀而非接收,追求的是效率而非全面、客觀。爲了作出决定,只需抓取一點點關鍵資料,而忽略其他。

人到底是理性還是非理性,所做决策是否對自己最有利?就證據而言,幷不是非黑即白,既有仔細思考、權衡利弊的例子,也有鹵莽大意而丟失性命的個案。

就學術研究而言,理性抑或非理性都只是假設。采取什麽樣的假設,主要不是看假設是否絕對符合實際,而是看它能否最有效地幫助我們分析和理解問題。

至于公共政策,則不能直接假設人是理性的。行爲經濟學對于非理性行爲的關注,可以爲公共政策帶來新的思路。以器官移植爲例,世界各國都面對捐贈器官供應短缺問題。雖然德國與奧地利在語言、宗教、歷史、經濟發展、教育水平各方面都很近似,但德國的器官捐贈登記率只有15%,奧地利却高達90%以上。專家發現,造成這一重大差別的原因,在于德國的系統要求捐贈者填表,聲明同意捐贈,亦即自願捐贈(opt-in);沒采取任何行動的人,等于不願意捐贈。奧地利的系統則倒轉過來,沒采取任何行動的人視爲「預設默許」(opt-out)捐贈,而不願意捐贈器官者,則需要填表聲明。

科學家的研究表明,在德國、美國這些推行自願捐贈機制的國家,國民認爲器官捐贈道德高尚但成本高昂,好比要决定把遺産的5%甚至50%捐給慈善機構,或相當于絕食抗議這樣代價高昂的行爲。而在奧地利這種實施預設默許安排的國家,國民認爲器官捐贈是件小事,無關道德,有點像讓某人在排隊時插隊,又或缺席孩子的畢業典禮和棒球比賽。

在香港,由此産生的政策建議也就清晰明確:如果希望提升器官捐贈的比率,一個簡單有效的辦法,就是將現行自願捐贈的機制,改爲預設默許捐贈。

周文教授
港大經管學院管理及商業策略副教授

(本文同時於二零二五年一月八日載於《信報》「龍虎山下」專欄)

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Corporate Digital Responsibility in an Aging Society

數智時代的企業適老化實踐

數字化生活已經成為現代社會不可或缺的一部分,然而對於中國2.97億60歲以上的長者來說【註1】,新技術能否讓他們受益卻仍然存疑。儘管各界都在努力推動「智慧養老」,但現實是許多長者在跨越數字鴻溝時,遇到不少挑戰。

隨着全球老齡化趨勢加劇,如何確保龐大的銀髮族享受科技時代的便利,成為了亟待解決的社會問題。

世代數字鴻溝有待縮窄

長者使用數字技術常常面臨諸多障礙。一方面,很多數字產品設計缺乏對長者需求的關注,操作複雜、介面不友好,使得他們即使有心嘗試,也往往因為使用體驗不佳而望而卻步。另一方面,網路詐騙日益猖獗,一些不法分子專向防範意識較弱的銀髮族下手,導致他們在數字生活中遭受財物損失,甚至心理創傷。

資訊超載、隱私洩露等問題也讓不少長者對新技術產生恐懼感,更進一步限制其融入數字生活的步伐。為了使每位長者都能安全、自信地參與數字社會,許多企業都開始探索如何通過數字化技術,構建一個更加包容、人性化的環境。

包容長者如何惠及企業

從環境、社會及管治(ESG)的角度來看,企業在助老領域的投入不僅能帶來顯著的社會效益,還為企業創造多方面的價值。為此,筆者調研了頂尖數字化企業的助老實踐,總結出以下4種效果。

一、提升品牌形象和社會認同。通過積極參與助老項目,企業展示其對社會責任的承諾,增強公眾對其品牌的好感和信任。二、建立社區關係。深入社區提供服務的企業,能夠更好地理解當地需求,建立深厚的社區聯繫。三、增強員工參與感和忠誠度。透過助老項目,員工得以參與公益活動,從而增強其歸屬感和忠誠度。四、推動內部創新和人才發展。在開發適合長者的技術產品和服務過程中,企業能夠激發內部的創新思維和技術進步。

案例1AI向善語料庫

騰訊於2024年8月啟動了一項面向全社會的共創行動——AI(人工智能)向善語料庫【註2】,旨在為那些在商業環節中失聲的群體和話題,構建一個更加人性化的AI語料庫。通過前期調研,騰訊研究院認識到,由於社會普遍認為長者在數字方面的消費力較低,因此相應需求長期不受重視。目前大部分AI產品亦並非專為長者而設,未能針對其實際需要。要使長者能夠真正受益於AI的發展,大模型需要能夠理解他們的特殊需要,提供資訊實用、滿載關懷的回答。

為此,該項目首先通過聯繫一眾專業人士,包括社工、志願者、社區工作者、心理輔導員、醫生等,加上熱心的高等院校師生,共同收集並整理了數千條長者日常生活中的真實問題及相關解答。這些問題涵蓋了情緒管理、網路購物、心理危機處理,乃至臨終關懷等多個方面,力求全面覆蓋長者的生活需求。

為了確保語料的質量,騰訊邀請不同專家確定了「好語料」的5個標準:一、精確的需求識別;二、充分的同理心;三、切實可行且效果可見的操作建議;四、簡短口語化的表達方式;五、穩定的回答風格。團隊發現,AI回答的同理心尤其關鍵,不僅需要應對長者的負面情緒,提供充分的理解和支持,也應有助於激發和強化他們的積極情緒與自我價值感。騰訊研究院計劃逐步開放AI向善語料庫,以推動社會各界在這些語料的基礎上,創建出更有人情味的產品。

騰訊研究院發布的研究報告。

 

案例2:藍馬甲行動

為了便於長者更安全地享受數字生活,並增強他們的反詐防騙意識,螞蟻集團及其公益基金會於2020年9月發起了「藍馬甲行動」【註3】。通過傳統方式和數字技術,這一項目旨在協助長者融入數字時代,避免讓長者成為網路犯罪的目標。

線下活動方面,藍馬甲在社區中心舉辦公益講座,講解數字設備使用方法和防騙知識;在社區廣場設立諮詢台,提供現場指導和答疑;組織志願者進行家訪,給予一對一的幫助和指導。至於線上活動,「藍馬甲行動」與20多家夥伴機構攜手合作,生產多元的專業助老科普內容。例如,徐州幸福105電台每天早晚高峰時段都會播放《幸福藍馬甲公益電台》小單元,包含反詐小劇場和手機使用指南等內容。

現時「藍馬甲行動」已經具備4個系統化的支援平台:助老內容創新平台、助老生態支持平台、助老價值宣導平台和助老議題研究平台。基於前期活動的經驗,螞蟻公益基金會在2022年發布《適老化設計與服務參考指南》,2023年發布助老防騙書《一件藍馬甲——關注數字時代的銀髮群體》。「藍馬甲行動」為長者提供了直接的幫助和支持,也促進了社會對銀髮族議題的關注。

藍馬甲志願者在社區駐點協助長者使用手機。

圖片來源:長沙縣知仁社會工作發展中心

 

政策建議

綜上所述,助老不僅是企業履行社會責任的重要途徑,也是提升品牌形象、促進社會和諧、加強社區關係,以及推動內部管治優化的有效方式。從ESG的角度看,這些活動為企業帶來可持續的競爭優勢和發展機遇,創造雙贏局面。

筆者呼籲更多企業充分發揮自身的技術、資源和服務優勢,積極參與並推動助老事業。通過深入了解長者用戶的需求和心理特徵,設計既易用又富有情感交流的產品;通過教育普及和社會服務,提高他們的數字素養和防騙意識,從而構建一個更加包容、溫暖的數字社會,讓每一位長者都能安全、自信地享受科技帶來的便利。

 

註1:https://www.mca.gov.cn/n152/n166/c1662004999980001780/content.html

註2:https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/ggdoPoCtTmimzqu7IW8P9Q

註3:https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/oqvkME_w1nUBmb7f89ir1w

 

張閏嘉 
北京大學光華管理學院博士生

顏示硼 
港大經管學院管理及商業策略助理教授

 

(本文同時於二零二五年一月一日載於《信報》「龍虎山下」專欄)

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Three Key Challenges and Four Strategic Solutions for the Hong Kong Economy

Professor Heiwai Tang and Mr Cyrus Cheung

18 December 2024

 

Through the ebb and flow of its economy in the aftermath of the Second World War, Hong Kong has sealed its status as an international financial and trade centre on the world’s economic stage. However, in light of the global economic downturn, fierce regional competition, and worsening geopolitical situation in recent years, coupled with the fact that Hong Kong–as a highly externally-oriented free economy–cannot afford to be complacent simply because it has historically managed to turn crises into opportunities. Times have changed. Now beleaguered by internal problems such as an ageing population as well as external challenges, the city may no longer be as “hardy” as it once was.

To address the challenges in the new era, Hongkongers should not stick to the old rut and must find ways to enhance competitiveness so that long-standing and thorny problems can be resolved.

 

Formidable problems facing the economy

The first challenge facing the Hong Kong economy over the past few years is the SAR Government’s persistent fiscal deficits. After racking up a record-high surplus of $149 billion for 2017–18, the Government registered a fiscal deficit of $100.2 billion for 2023–24. Initially projected to be downsized to $48.1 billion for the current year 2024–25, the deficit is now estimated to reach $100 billion. Barring the reduction in income from Government-issued bonds, the actual deficit would be even larger. Factors underlying the deficits include fast-increasing government expenditures as well as decline in government revenues. Government expenditure soared significantly from $470.9 billion for 2017–18 to $721.3 billion for 2023–24, of which non-recurrent, social welfare, and healthcare expenditures grew the fastest. The last two items are unlikely to be cut. Meanwhile, government revenue dropped from $619.8 billion to $549.4 billion.

The Figure shows that in 2017–18, 26.6% of the Government’s main sources of revenue came from land premium while 15.4% came from stamp duties. In 2023–24, the share of land premium plummeted to 3.6% and stamp duties dramatically slumped to 8.9%. Despite seeing its share rise from 3.5% to 13.6%, investment income is, after all, not a stable source of revenue. In addition, the Inland Revenue Department annual report 2023–24 reveals that in the year of assessment 2022–23, only around 1.83 million people were required to pay salaries tax, which means that the tax base is still narrow. Given the overall economic downturn, it is unlikely that the Government will be able to sharply reduce the persistently-high fiscal deficits in the short run.

 

Figure    Sources of the Hong Kong SAR Government revenue for 2017–18 and 2023–24

 

The second challenge facing the Hong Kong economy is the failure to fully leverage the economic benefits from the integrated development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area (GBA). Despite the high degree of integration of consumption activities in the GBA, Hong Kong’s professional services sector has yet to be fully integrated into the development of the GBA. While it has become a trend among Hongkongers to go north for spending, there is much less incentive for Mainlanders to spend in Hong Kong. At the same time, more and more local people prefer to shop on Mainland e-commerce platforms, inevitably impacting the sales of physical stores in Hong Kong. According to the Census and Statistics Department’s data, the Value Index of Retail Sales dropped from 144.8 points in 2018 to merely 121.3 points in 2023 while the monthly average for the first 10 months of 2024 went further down to 111.8 points.

Furthermore, the Volume Index of Retails Sales dropped from 148.9 points in 2018 to 113.9 points in 2023, and even averaged 103.3 points in the first 10 months of 2024. The decreases for both indexes are equally significant. Due to constraints in rent and labour costs, the local retail industry can hardly compete with its Mainland counterpart in terms of cost-effectiveness. It seems that the professional services industry, in which Hong Kong excels, has not been able to capitalize on the market opportunities in the GBA. This can be put down not only to the sluggish macroeconomy in recent years but also to delayed cross-boundary professional qualification certification, administrative red tape, and other factors.

The third challenge facing the Hong Kong economy is the gradual shrinking of the middle class and international talent drain. Hong Kong’s unitary economic structure is one of the primary reasons for the weakening middle class. Since middle-income jobs have always been concentrated in the financial, real estate, and professional services industries, problems will start to surface as soon as these sectors face headwinds. In addition, while there has been a mass migration of middle-class families overseas in the last few years, the highly-educated new immigrants to Hong Kong are less internationalized. The LinkedIn profile data analysed in an essay in the “Hong Kong Economic Policy Green Paper 2024” published by the HKU Business School demonstrates that the proportion of Asians among leavers is 58% and is as high as 79% among joiners, while the number of connections of leavers is 1.7 times that of joiners.

 

Four reform strategies to chart a new course

Cracking the above problems is no easy task. Let me outline below four policy directions to spark more valuable ideas from all sectors.

  1. Broadening the tax base to tap new revenue sources

Hong Kong can take a leaf from Singapore’s book and consider introducing consumption tax progressively to relieve financial pressure on the Government. The goods and services tax (GST) implemented in Singapore at a rate of 3% in 1994 gradually rose to 9% in 2024. In 2023, the GST contributed to 15.7% of Singapore’s fiscal revenue. Based on private consumption expenditure in Hong Kong, and after deducting existing overlapping tax items, a 2% GST can bring the Hong Kong SAR Government an incremental income of $27 billion, roughly equivalent to 5% of the financial revenue in 2023. Referencing Singapore’s experience, retail sales fell following upward adjustments of GST in 2007 and 2023, but not after GST hikes in 1994, 2003, and 2004. An economist at RHB Bank points out in a recent study that the GST increase in January 2024 did not have a strong impact on Singaporeans’ spending habits. This suggests that a GST rise does not necessarily dampen retail sales. The key lies in a balanced measure that entails controlled tax increases, effective expectations management, and complementary welfare policies to maintain steady consumer sentiment.

As a matter of fact, the introduction of GST in Singapore did arouse controversy. For example, there were views that daily necessities should be exempted. The Singaporean government did not accept this suggestion because of the potential increase in compliance and audit costs. Instead, the authorities chose to alleviate pressure on low-income families by issuing GST vouchers, subsidizing public education and healthcare services, etc. In any case, if the GST rate is set too low, it will not be adequate to alleviate the Government’s financial problems. Conversely, if the rate is set too high, it will breed dissatisfaction among businesses and the general public and could build up excessive inflationary pressure. How to strike a balance in between is a great challenge for policy formulation. Moreover, the Government can consider selling idle assets, including unused premises and surplus equity, to ease financial pressure.

  1. Fostering development via public-private partnerships

The SAR Government can consider strengthening public-private partnerships to promote infrastructure development. Apart from reducing the Government’s initial investment and operating costs, this approach helps to bring in technologies and management experience from leading enterprises. Many international cities have achieved remarkable results through this development mode. Examples include the Chicago Skyway and the Port of Long Beach Middle Harbour Redevelopment Project in the US, the Marina Bay Sands Integrated Resort in Singapore, the Beijing subway Line-4 project, and the Eastern Harbour Crossing in Hong Kong. There are, of course, different forms of public-private partnerships, with “Build, Operate, and Transfer”; “Build, Own, and Operate”; “Transfer, Operate, and Transfer” among the most common modes. Hong Kong can choose the suitable mode depending on its specific needs.

  1. Leveraging unique advantages to integrate into the GBA

Hong Kong needs to optimize its integration with other cities in the GBA to give full play to the benefits of the regional economy. According to the Second Agreement Concerning Amendment to CEPA Agreement on Trade in Services recently signed by the SAR Government with Mainland authorities, the Mainland market will be further opened up to Hong Kong enterprises offering professional services. On this basis, the SAR Government can continue to maintain close liaison and cooperation with other GBA cities to ensure the successful implementation of policies. For instance, assistance can be provided for Hong Kong’s estate surveying companies to complete the filing of records to bid for consultancy services projects in joint ventures within the GBA.

Given the distinct advantage of Hong Kong’s higher education in the GBA, the SAR Government can maintain close cooperation with sister cities and continue to support higher-education institutions in building branch campuses in the GBA and achieving success in their subsequent development. Opening up the “four flows”―human flow, goods flow, capital flow, and information flow―is of vital importance in this regard. Only by doing so will it be possible for the branch campuses in the GBA to obtain invaluable resources from both the Mainland and abroad, and for Hong Kong’s higher education institutions to preserve their competitive edge in internationalization.

To maximize the removal of operating restrictions on Hong Kong’s professional service sectors, such as finance, law, and accounting, in the GBA, the SAR Government needs to continue to lift systemic barriers in the area. For example, in the First Phase Report on Survey of the Current Situation of Hong Kong Legal Practitioners under the Development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, the Law Society of Hong Kong and the School of Law of Sun Yat-sen University point out that under Mainland laws, the associations formed by Hong Kong law firms with Mainland law firms shall not be in the form of partnership or legal entity. Therefore, cooperation between Hong Kong and Mainland law firms is mainly based on non-partnership associations. This gives rise to various problems, including differences in handling conflicts of interest, discrepancies in business acceptance and processing standards, and a lack of clarity on the legal responsibilities of non-partnership associations.

  1. Proactively competing for talent and enticing foreign investments

Apart from talent and capital from the Mainland, Hong Kong must also focus on attracting talent and funds from abroad to maintain its relative advantages as an international metropolis. In view of the fact that the career development of ethnic Chinese technology experts in Europe and the US is thwarted by current geopolitical tensions, the SAR Government should seize this opportunity to encourage them to advance their careers in Hong Kong. Meanwhile, the authorities can also consider setting specific performance indicators for local universities, e.g. target percentages for international students, to reinforce local higher education institutions’ strengths in internationalization.

Needless to say, Hong Kong must continue to leverage the unique advantage of “one country, two systems” to draw in more direct foreign investments to the Mainland. At the same time, apart from enticing Mainland investments through the Government’s Office for Attracting Strategic Enterprises, it is also necessary to enhance the presence of leading foreign enterprises to maintain Hong Kong’s distinctive advantage as a bridge to the world. The growth of emerging sectors, e.g. artificial intelligence, biotechnology, financial technology, advanced manufacturing, and new energy sources, will determine if Hong Kong can produce more high-quality jobs in future, thereby expanding its middle class and furthering its economic prosperity.

As we mentioned in this column two years ago, priority should be given to creating a liveable environment when it comes to attracting talent. Otherwise, they will not stay after arriving. On the one hand, they need to find high-quality jobs in Hong Kong, connect with a thriving professional community, and enjoy a comfortable and vibrant living environment. On the other hand, high-quality human capital is a key consideration for companies with an eye to establishing their presence in Hong Kong. Hence, efforts to attract companies and capital, compete for talent, or even formulate cultural policies should be complementary rather than isolated from one another. Retaining talent and businesses is a systemic project that requires comprehensive policy coordination across the SAR Government to achieve success.

 

 

 

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AI and Its Environmental Consequences: Can We Turn the Tide on Carbon Emissions?

Dr Yifei Zhang

11 December 2024

 

Nowadays, with the advancement of artificial intelligence (AI) technology in leaps and bounds, AI applications have permeated various aspects of human life—not only from smart assistants to autonomous driving technologies but also from industrial production to medical diagnosis. According to the International Data Corporation, the global AI market value is expected to rise from US$132.4 billion in 2022 to US$512.4 in 2027.

While the convenience of AI innovation is applauded by all sectors of society, does it also raise the community’s awareness that the technological revolution is subtly exerting a tremendous impact on the global environment? As a matter of fact, the problem of carbon emissions arising from the AI development process has reached such a state that it can no longer be ignored.

 

The invisible killer: the carbon footprint of AI training

To understand the impact of AI on the environment, it is necessary to unveil the true face of AI training models. The training process for modern AI models, particularly large language models, requires massive amounts of data and calculation resources. The latest research by the University of Massachusetts Amherst indicates that carbon emissions from training a large AI model can reach 626,000 pounds, equivalent to the total emissions from five vehicles throughout their entire life cycle, from production to disposal.

Specifically, approximately 552 tonnes of carbon dioxide are emitted during the training process of GPT-3 while the CO2 emitted from training the even larger model, GPT-4, is estimated to exceed 1,000 tonnes. Of particular concern is that these figures continue to go up. Under the sectoral consensus that “large models are the order of the day”, giant technology companies have been vying to develop even larger models, resulting in exponential surge in energy consumption. The AI sector’s carbon emissions are forecast to account for 3.5% of the world’s total carbon emissions by 2030.

 

Data centres: an energy-guzzling beast in the AI era

The energy consumption of large AI models has now reached an alarming level. Data of the Stanford AI Laboratory shows that one single training session of GPT-3 typically uses 1,287 megawatt-hours of electricity, equivalent to all the power consumption of 3,000 Tesla electric cars each travelling 200,000 miles, emitting a total of 552 tonnes of carbon dioxide.

In daily use, every response generated by ChatGPT requires 2.96 watt-hours of electricity, almost 10 times that (0.3 watt-hour) for a standard Google search. Each Google search powered by AI even utilizes 8.9 watt-hours. The water resource consumption level is also alarming. During its training, GPT-3 consumes close to 700 tonnes of water. For every 20 to 50 questions, 500 millilitres of water are required. For cooling of its data centres alone, Meta used over 2.6 million cubic metres of water in 2022.

 

Root causes of escalating energy consumption

The colossal energy consumption of large AI models can mainly be attributed to two core factors. First, the rapid iterations of AI technology have significantly stimulated the demand for chips, directly pushing up electricity consumption. The training and inference processes of modern AI models deploy enormous computational resources, which primarily rely on high-performance hardware, including graphics processing units and application-specific integrated circuits. This hardware is highly energy-intensive when running complex computations. As AI models keep expanding in size, their computational capabilities have seen exponential growth, resulting in an ever-increasing demand for high-performance chips and, consequently, mounting energy consumption.

Furthermore, substantial computational power is essential for supporting the AI model training process. The around-the-clock data centres generate excessive heat, necessitating cooling treatments. Energy consumption is an especially severe issue for data centres, which serve as the core infrastructure for AI computation. Servers and storage devices running at high loads release a vast amount of heat. If the heat is not dissipated in time, both the performance and lifespan of the devices will be seriously compromised. Hence, data centres are equipped with super-efficient cooling systems to ensure that the devices operate at optimal temperatures.

In the operating cost structure of a data centre, electricity tariffs account for 60% of the total cost, of which over 40% is spent on cooling systems. At an air-cooling data centre in particular, more than 60% of electricity is used for cooling while less than 40% is used for computation. As a result of this energy utilization imbalance, the energy consumption of data centres around the world is now almost 10 times more than it was a decade ago. Traditional air-cooling systems are less costly but also less efficient, making them incapable of meeting the requirements for high-efficiency cooling. In comparison, except for a large-scale investment at the initial stage, liquid-cooling systems are more efficient, thus sharply reducing energy consumption at data centres.

In addition, the site selection and design of data centres have a significant impact on energy consumption. Many data centres are located in areas with lower electricity costs but in hot climates, placing a heavier burden on the cooling systems. To enhance energy utilization efficiency, priority should be given to locations with cooler temperatures and a stable energy supply. Besides, a modular design should be adopted so that resource allocation can be flexibly adjusted according to needs.

Finally, the training and inference processes of AI models also involve huge amounts of data transmission and storage, which inevitably boost energy consumption. As more and more data is created, data centres need extra storage devices and greater bandwidth to cope, which further expands energy consumption. These facts demonstrate that companies should make use of data compression and transmission optimization technologies to cut down energy consumption by minimizing unnecessary procedures.

 

Corporate solutions and policy suggestions

In the face of the environmental challenges from AI technology, companies and policy-makers need to take a series of carbon-reduction measures. First, businesses should maximize the use of green energy and energy-saving technologies. Investments should be made in renewable energy sources such as solar energy and wind energy to minimize reliance on traditional fossil fuels. Second, enterprises should optimize AI model training algorithm to streamline computation, cutting down energy consumption at source. Third, they should enhance data centre management and upgrade technologies; use high-efficiency solutions such as liquid-cooling to promote energy utilization efficiency; and minimize waste of idle resources through smart dispatch and load balancing. Fourth, through virtualization technology, companies can integrate computational resources to lower energy consumption.

In terms of policy-making, the government should first set strict energy efficiency standards and promote green development of AI technology; and, through tax concessions and funding, encourage enterprises to adopt energy-saving technologies and renewable energy sources. Second, regulation of data centres should be strengthened and energy efficiency evaluation standards should be established to promote overall energy efficiency. Third, governments and industry should join hands to spread environmental awareness among the public and businesses. The negative impact of AI technology on the environment can be minimized through such mechanisms as carbon trading and carbon offsets. Both education and publicity are indispensable, as only when the relationship between AI advancement and environmental protection is widely known can a social consensus be reached and concerted efforts be made to address the problems.

 

Glimmers of hope amid crisis

The trend of AI technology may well be overwhelming, but we must ensure that the environment will not be harmed as a result. Through technological innovation, corporate self-regulation, government guidance, and social oversight, environmental impact can be minimized while the convenience of AI can be enjoyed by all. The International Renewable Energy Agency predicts that, with proactive measures, the annual growth in carbon emissions by the AI industry can be controlled within 5% by 2030.

As witnesses and participants of this era, each and every one of us should be concerned about the environmental issues brought about by advancements in AI and take concrete actions to support its green development. Only through this approach can we ensure that the AI technology benefits mankind instead of becoming another burden on the Earth. In our quest for technological breakthroughs, environmental protection should be the bottom line that must be upheld, not just a token gesture. Let all sectors of the community make concerted efforts to drive AI towards a greener and more sustainable future.

Through policy guidance, technological innovation, and public engagement, the path will be paved for Hong Kong to achieve the AI industry’s carbon-neutral goals by 2035 and contribute to the sustainable development of the world.

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While AI Knocking at the Door, What Will Music Industry Answer?

Dr Tingting Fan

4 December 2024

 

When we listen to music through our earphones these days, do we realize that over 30% of it is already produced by AI? Last year, the AI-generated song “Heart on My Sleeve” got 20 million hits on Spotify. Early this year, the burgeoning AI-generated music scene drove Universal Music, the world’s leading music company, to remove all its records from TikTok, the largest platform for short-form mobile videos. After the two companies reached an agreement in mid-2024, TikTok agrees to label all AI music footage accordingly. The impact of AI technology on the music industry has been fast and furious.

Cause for celebration or concern

With the progress in AI technology, major technology companies have extended their reach over the music industry. For example, the text-to-music model named MusicGen was launched by Meta to users in 2023. The Stable Audio 2.0 model, introduced by Stability AI this year, even allows users to upload existing music to generate new tracks in a completely different style. The acoustic quality is comparable to that of a vinyl record.

It is a cause for celebration because AI enables ordinary people, who are not music professionals, to not only “create” music with ease but also earn money from these “creative” works. Boomy, an American start-up, supports users in uploading their AI-generated music to Spotify and other streaming platforms for a commission.

That being said, it is a cause for concern because if music can be “created” by an AI model, would professional musicians find themselves out of a job? Given the five consecutive months of protest from Hollywood actors and screenwriters in 2023, the looming fear is clear as day.

As a matter of fact, the great concern is not unjustified. In 2017, 87% of music tracks played on Spotify were from singers signed with record labels. By 2022, this percentage fell to 75%. As of 2023, over 100 million pieces of music were generated by AI, taking up around 30% of our music-listening time. The revenue generated by the AI music market is projected by industry members to reach US$7 billion by 2026, while AI music is expected to have a 50% share of the music sector by 2030.

Quantity or quality

At present, the advantages of AI-generated music lie in speed and quantity. Boomy claims that in just a few years, there are already 18 million pieces of AI-generated music, whereas only 100 million pieces of old and new music spanning all time periods have found their way to Spotify so far. Nevertheless, does the quality of AI-composed music rival that of the creative works by professional musicians? So far, the works created by AI have been based on past music. With the rapid growth in quantity, the quality of AI-generated music will eventually regress to the mean. When the excitement over this new technology wears off for the public, will people tire of AI-produced music and turn to works by music artists? Alternatively, one wonders if a “scientific division of labour” is possible, whereby AI-generated music serves as low-cost background music while the concert stage is reserved for music artists’ works to shine.

When it comes to people’s requirements for music, quantity and quality are never mutually exclusive. Striking a balance between the two is something that both AI companies and music artists should explore.

As a matter of fact, both music artists and record companies, which rely on music copyrights to survive, are on the receiving end of AI-generated music’s vexing challenge. The music works owned by record companies provide the raw materials for AI models to “create” new music after learning their characteristics. But should AI companies be obliged to pay royalties for these raw materials? And should AI-created music be under copyright protection?

Recent years have seen increasing challenges arising from these issues. In 2023, for instance, Universal Music accused Anthropic, an AI company with investments from Google and Amazon of illegally using works owned by Universal Music to train Anthropic’s AI models. In its defence, the company claims that using existing music to train AI models does not constitute copyright infringement.

Challenge or opportunity

Since advancements in AI technology have far outpaced developments in intellectual-property laws, these problems without quick solutions have become a grey area, presenting both challenges and opportunities for record companies and AI technology companies. In retrospect, this is not the first time music publishers have encountered copyright challenges. The late 20th century saw the migration of music from CDs to electronic MP3 files, which, coupled with the rise of sharing platforms like Napster, led to rampant pirated music that pushed many record companies out of business. It took an entire decade for record companies to develop a business model more profitable than the traditional approach of selling CDs and to eventually reach agreements with music streaming platforms regarding music copyright.

Taking lessons from history and embracing the unstoppable trend of AI music, record companies no longer regard it as an uncontrollable beast. Instead, they are striving to devise a new business model that can enable music copyrights to bring greater profit in the AI era. Robert Kyncl, CEO of Warner Music Group, once says that simply rejecting AI and fighting against it is out of the question. In promoting legal definition and protection of music copyright, record companies actively use AI to facilitate music creation by professional artists in cheaper and faster ways on the one hand. For example, AI is harnessed to produce multilingual versions of podcasts for the enjoyment of audiences around the world. Machine learning has even been used to extract a muddled demo song left behind by the Beatles’ lead singer, John Lennon, in 1973. The recent release not only gave new life to the song “Now and Then” but also reignited enthusiasm for their Beatles’ classic ballads. On the other hand, AI models are also trained to precisely detect copyright-infringing music for litigation purposes, if necessary. Additionally, record companies may even roll out a two-pronged carrot-and-stick strategy to protest against copyright infringement by AI companies while leveraging their advantage as copyright owners to become market pioneers through closer cooperation with AI companies.

Two centuries ago, the Fate Symphony strikes a chord with us, helping us to empathize with Beethoven’s struggle against destiny after losing his hearing. Two centuries later, if Beethoven came back to life, could AI restore his hearing to inspire him to compose even more masterpieces for posterity? Two hundred years ago, through musical notes, Beethoven issued the rallying cry: “Listen! Fate is knocking at the door!” Today, two hundred years later, hopefully the door opened by AI will lead to a new era of human creativity!

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The Culture of Blame: Reflections on the U.S. Election

美國大選結果折射出的避責文化

 

互相指摘或卸責,也許只是個人沒擔當的怯懦行為,但放大到社會層面,就足以產生混淆公眾視聽的惡果。政治人物往往透過彼此指摘來轉移視線,力求貶低對手而抬高自己。在競爭白熱化的選舉中,不惜一切推卸責任已成政客的慣技,或對選舉結果以至未來管治和政策帶來難以想像的衝擊。

 

民主黨敗選背後

 

本月美國總統選舉結果塵埃落定,共和黨特朗普以壓倒性姿態勝出。賀錦麗慘敗後,其所屬民主黨內隨即出現大舉卸責現象,矛頭直指拜登,歸咎他未能及時退選,陷賀錦麗於尷尬境地。不少黨內成員亦認為拜登年老退化,不受選民歡迎,雖然他及後宣布退選,賀錦麗仍因受選民支持度不足,未能於明年入主白宮。

與此同時,民主黨在國會改選中失去參議院和眾議院的控制權,較4年前表現更糟。根據《紐約時報》的分析,自拜登在2020年出任總統以來,美國3100多個縣的選民大都轉向右傾。民主黨向來標榜的支持墮胎權和民主立場,無法像經濟和移民等迫切議題引起選民共鳴。

儘管美國失業率現正維持在歷史低位,股市暢旺,但物價高、房租貴也是事實。拜登任內,物價上漲超過20%。康奈爾大學的經濟學家巴蘇(Kaushik Basu)指出,各種經濟指標之中,通脹對政治影響最大。一般人無需數據,也對通脹有切身感受。再者,《金融時報》的分析顯示,在今年舉行選舉的10個國家中,執政黨的表現都不如上屆選舉,相信也與高通脹有關。

根據民調,三分之二的美國選民對經濟給予劣評,收入較低的一群傾向於支持特朗普。2020年,他以15個百分點的差距失去收入介乎5萬至10萬的選民,但在這次選舉中卻逆轉獲勝。民主黨人似乎忽略了馬斯洛的需求層次理論(Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs):基本需要(如財務穩健和身心健康)必須先行,然後再滿足其他方面。在競選活動中,民主黨聚焦於民主等議題而忽略經濟。曾經是該黨核心的工人階級選民不再予以支持,因愈來愈多人按自身的經濟利益來投票。黨內對敗選結果莫衷一是,更出現互相指摘。如此反應,是否就能把選票贏回來?答案不言而喻。政治指摘伎倆層出不窮,皆因政黨或領導人藉此進行政治操弄,以便大權在握。

 

企業卸責文化

 

在商業環境中,互相指摘確也頗為普遍。譬如一家公司面臨存亡危機,責任的分配將直接影響其股價和投資者的信心。假使管理層只管找替罪羊,哪怕是象徵式的代罪羔羊,公司亦難逃衰敗的厄運。從管理學的研究可見,將公司失敗歸咎於外部因素的管理層,其整體表現往往不及承認自身責任並自我反省的公司。在瀕臨破產的企業中,可以看到不少經理將業績欠佳委過於其他部門。相反,管理層若有責任感,則有可能轉虧為盈,讓業務重上軌道。前事不忘,後事之師,只有汲取教訓,才能避免重蹈覆轍。

此外,互相指摘也足以助長風險規避文化,員工因害怕受責備而不敢主動行事,或礙於不願分享想法而窒礙創意。眾所周知,成功的企業有賴暢順的運作;管理層必須致力培養團隊合作精神,以解決公司內部的分歧。

 

「無過失」調查的啟示

 

反觀一些行業早已認識到指摘的弊端,例如航空業所以在降低意外事故一環取得成效,很大程度上受惠於「無過失」調查的程序。在美國,負責調查有關事故的國家運輸安全委員會明確表示,調查目的並非追究責任,而是找出問題並提出建議,以防同類事件重演。航空業不進行追責的事後調查,為現代航空安全奠下重要基石。

這種調查方式有助於建立開放的安全文化,鼓勵業界報憂,最終目的是確保減少意外事故。英國的航空監管機構在誠實錯誤和其他錯誤之間劃界線,也是個好的起點。航空公司致力於營造一種文化,使機師不會因為與其經驗和培訓相符的決定或疏忽而受到懲罰。這種做法並非完全免責,只是將責任範圍收窄而已。

醫療保健領域也面臨類似情況。一旦發生醫療事故,世界各地對病人的補償制度各有不同。例如英國依賴找出過失的訴訟程序,而紐西蘭則是全球最早實施醫療事故處理制度的國家。紐西蘭率先以「無過失補償」的程序來處理醫療事故,並於1974年成立意外補償局負責,接受因工作、交通或醫療事故導致的傷害賠償申請。在這一制度下,無論醫療措施或副作用造成的傷害是否可以避免,病人均可向補償局提出申請。只要問題與醫療診斷或決策相關,申請便可獲批准。該制度推行後,除非醫療人員的行為嚴重違法,否則紐西蘭患者幾乎無法向醫療機構提出訴訟。

在航空和醫療領域,從錯誤中學習的動機特強,因為從業員在工作中生命隨時受到威脅,安全無疑至關重要。因此,軟件工程師和開發人員經常進行「無過失的事後分析」,以調查網站失靈或伺服器故障等問題。一般人不易理解這種不追責的思維,心理學家James Reason1990年代為此提出一個框架,以釋除大眾對無能和犯錯者逃避責罰的疑慮。

 

問責而非卸責

 

要逃避指摘其實並非易事。一、當事人為了避責往往要大費心力,但指摘別人反而是毫不費力的快速反應,而且容易令人入信。至於記錄錯誤並確保流程得以改進,則難免涉及結構性的變化。例如無過失事後分析長期以來已屬谷歌企業文化的一部分,該公司為此提供模板、反饋和討論小組。二、企業管理層既然大權在握,指摘屬下僱員也就輕而易舉。

加州大學聖地牙哥分校和新加坡南洋理工大學的學者最近合作發表一篇研究論文,指出當權者往往認為其他人會將失敗歸咎於他們。在一項實驗中,參與者被隨機分配為主管或工人,然後檢視有關錯誤的紀錄。參與者都收到道歉信,聲明網絡連接不穩定,以致任務無法正常完成。結果扮演主管者每多認定抄寫員應為失誤負責,主張剋扣其報酬。由此可見掌權與施罰之間的因果關係。

指摘別人似乎也具傳染性。2009年,心理學學者David Sherman John Klein發表合著論文【註】,其中一個實驗要求參與者閱讀有關政治失敗的新聞,然後寫下政客的過失。讀到關於政客將失敗歸咎於特殊利益的報道時,參與者更可能將自己的失敗責任推卸給別人。至於讀到政客承擔責任的參與者,則更可能肯為自身的不足負責。同理,管理高層若輕易指摘別人,公司員工也會有樣學樣。如此一來,不難衍生出一種推卸責任的指摘文化。

不同文化對於失責和指摘的容忍度不盡相同。例如集體主義可能導致共同指摘,而在個人主義的文化中,個人指摘則較常見。相互指摘的經濟學強調人類行為與經濟結果之間的相互作用。了解這些動態關係當有助於機構創造出更具建設性的環境,減少諉過於人,以鼓勵問責和合作。

 

註:Sherman, D. K. and John M. Klein, “Failure to Blame: The Effect of Collective Blame on Self-Attribution.” Psychological Science, 2009.

 

謝國生博士
港大經管學院金融學首席講師、新界鄉議局當然執行委員

何敏淙先生
香港大學附屬學院講師

 

(本文同時於二零二四年十一月二十七日載於《信報》「龍虎山下」專欄)

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Will Trump Dismiss Powell?

特朗普會辭退鮑威爾嗎?

 

特朗普在成功當選下屆美國總統後,迅即籌組內閣。從人選來看,差不多每個任命都是要顛覆原有建制,這為未來數年的美國及國際社會增添濃厚不確定性。明年1月,美國各政府部門都有新主管上任,然而有一個重要職位不會因總統換屆而改變人選,那便是聯儲局主席。現任主席鮑威爾由特朗普提名和參議院確認,但隨後因加息引起特朗普的不滿。看來若法律或政治成本低的話,特朗普也會以親信取代鮑威爾,並將聯儲局來個翻天覆地的改動。

聯儲局與貨幣政策的重要性不言而喻,在這次總統選舉中更清晰可見。不少調查都顯示經濟是選民最關心議題,而40年來首次出現的高通脹,正是民主黨失敗的一個主要原因。這次通脹在2021年中已明顯呈現,但聯儲局在翌年3月才首次加息,未能先發制人,通脹因而冒升至2022年6月的9.1%。雖然通脹在今年中已放緩至約3%,惟物價水平仍高企。由2021年4月至本年10月,消費者物價指數上升了18.3%,這都被選民算在拜登和賀錦麗頭上,同期間工資雖然有增長,卻被看為個人努力的成果。

面對通脹,拜登政府也有一些應對措施,例如出售40%的戰略石油儲備以紓緩能源價格,但畢竟不若貨幣政策之有效。同時,民主黨被傳統思維限制,在經濟議題上一貫重就業輕通脹,看見失業率徘徊於歷史最低水平的4%以下,便認為已贏得民心,忽略了40年來通脹都處於低水平,約50歲以下選民都是首次面對無端失去大幅購買力的困境,而把通脹歸咎於企業提高價格以謀取暴利的論述,實際上並沒有解決問題。聯儲局這次對通脹反應過慢,加上其他政治經濟因素,使一些政客產生把貨幣政策收歸政府行政部門的意圖。諷刺的是,特朗普這次勝出的一個原因是兩年多的通貨膨脹,但他二進白宮後迅速推行的高關稅,將大幅提高美國物價。

美國大選結果揭曉後不久,剛好是聯儲局議息會議結束,鮑威爾在記者會上被問及,如果特朗普要他辭職會否接受,他只簡單回應一個「不」字,然後是好幾秒鐘的冷場,無聲勝有聲地道出他與特朗普之間的張力。特朗普2017年以鮑威爾取代耶倫任聯儲局主席;其後聯儲局在2017及2018兩年加息7次,每次0.25厘,把2008年金融海嘯後接近零的利率提高至較正常水平,但特朗普認為提高利率會影響他任內經濟,公開稱鮑威爾是敵人,他和他的團隊是笨蛋(bonehead)等。這次競選期間,特朗普數次提過總統要有權決定利率,認為自己賺錢很多,也很成功,在很多情況下比聯儲局決策人和聯儲局主席有更佳直覺。其後他又自辯,說不是要直接控制利率,只是認為總統可如其他人一樣就利率政策表達意見。他警告在競選期間減息有助民主黨競選,但又多次提及當選後會減息,儘管在目前框架下,他沒有這個權力。

鮑仍可掌FOMC 誕兩權力中心

聯儲局成立的法律依據,是1913年國會通過的《聯邦儲備法案》(Federal Reserve Act)。聯儲局有3個主要組成部分,分別是聯邦儲備理事會(Federal Reserve Board of Governors)、12家聯邦儲備銀行(Federal Reserve Banks)和聯邦公開市場委員會(Federal Open Market Committee,簡稱FOMC)。嚴格來說,《聯邦儲備法案》中沒有聯儲局主席一職,只有聯邦儲備理事會主席。理事會有7位成員,都由總統提名和參議院確認,任期14年,原則上不能續任,而且任期平均分布,大約每兩年委任一名新成員。此外,理事會主席及兩位副主席也是由總統在7人中提名及參議院確認,每個任期4年。現時鮑威爾作為理事會主席任期到2026年5月,但作為理事會成員,他的任期到2028年1月才結束。

至於那12家聯邦儲備銀行,分別對全國12個區域提供服務,主席則由該銀行的董事物色及委任,不在總統權力之內。聯儲局的貨幣政策由FOMC制定,FOMC設有12位成員,包括理事會的7位成員及紐約聯邦儲備銀行主席,其餘4位則由餘下11家聯邦儲備銀行的主席輪流擔任。其他聯邦儲備銀行主席可以出席FOMC會議,但沒有投票權。《聯邦儲備法案》沒有說明誰是FOMC主席,傳統上,FOMC的12位成員都會推舉理事會主席為FOMC主席及紐約聯邦儲備銀行主席為FOMC副主席。也就是說,FOMC的正、副主席並非由總統提名委任。

現時鮑威爾在聯儲局中有幾個職位,分別是理事會的主席和成員,以及FOMC的主席和成員。特朗普要辭退鮑威爾,須先從他理事會成員職位着手,但要解除理事會成員職務,必須要有一個合適和有力的理由,如瀆職或玩忽職守等。若以政策看法與總統或白宮相左為理由,自然難以服眾。如果只解除鮑威爾理事會主席職務,仍然留他為理事會成員,程序或許較為簡單或阻力較小,不過他仍可被推舉為FOMC主席,和今天一樣在每次議息會議後面對傳媒。若總統另外提名理事會主席,會使聯儲局內出現兩個權力中心。無論是解僱的過程或結果,都會帶來金融市場震盪。

和這點有關的是,目前可能出現的一個政策矛盾。FOMC是合法制定貨幣政策的單位,如上所述,它包括了7位理事會成員和5位聯邦儲備銀行主席。前者由總統提名委任,後者的委任和總統無關。與此同時,法律又把銀行在聯儲局儲備金的利息決定權授予理事會。在一般情況下,銀行儲備的利息與FOMC制定的聯邦基金利率步伐一致、相輔相成。但假如FOMC認為應該提高聯邦基金利率,較容易受總統影響的理事會卻降低銀行儲備金利率,政策矛盾便出現。

特朗普若不能或不想付出太高成本辭退鮑威爾,那他仍可以等到有空缺時委任志同道合者為理事會成員或主席,去影響聯儲局的貨幣政策,不過這有一定的困難。他在第一任總統期內提名了3人,均過不了參議院,其中女經濟學者謝爾頓(Judy Shelton)因主張美元與黃金掛鈎及對聯儲局獨立性置疑而失去一些共和黨參議員的支持。

有趣的是,被特朗普考慮做財政部長的貝桑(Scott Bessent),建議特朗普上任後即提名及爭取參議院提早確認新的理事會主席人選,作為影子主席,架空鮑威爾。影子主席可就貨幣政策發言,在慣常的前瞻指引(forward guidance)做法下,市場會比較聽取影子主席意見而不理會任期只到2026年的鮑威爾。貝桑說這只是他個人意見,而非特朗普的意見,但又說曾和特朗普討論,並有把這個想法與特朗普的顧問分享。未知貝桑這一招會否在未來美國黨爭中被重複使用,導致政壇幻影重重?

 

陸炎輝博士
港大經管學院榮譽副教授

(本文同時於二零二四年十一月二十日載於《信報》「龍虎山下」專欄)

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How Can Corporates Implement ESG Initiatives: A win-win for Society and Economy

Today, in the face of a complex set of Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) indicators and their increasingly diverse practices, ESG is no longer a marginal issue in the corporate world. How to enhance ESG competitiveness through precise policy implementation and high-efficiency management has become a burning question for enterprises. With relatively limited resources at their disposal, what ESG strategies should companies prioritize?

Optimizing cost-effectiveness with ESG ratings in mind

When mapping ESG strategies in the past, companies tended to adopt the indicators and weightings of ESG rating agencies as the basis in order to achieve higher ratings. Such an approach is rational as it aligns with the rating standards investors rely upon, thus enabling enterprises to gain the upper hand in compliance, financing, etc.

However, the burgeoning ESG rating agencies and their diversified rating standards in recent years have brought new challenges to businesses. Incomplete statistics show that there are now around 600 rating bodies worldwide, each selecting different indicators and weightings. Existing research indicates that the correlation among ratings from different agencies is weak (see Table), particularly in terms of Social and Governance themes.

Table   Correlation coefficients among ESG ratings of different agencies

Note: This table compares the correlation coefficients of ESG ratings of several mainstream agencies. SA, SP, MO, RE, KL, and MS represent Sustainalytics, S&P Global, Moody’s ESG, Refinitiv, KLD, and MSCI respectively. For example, the first column in the Table indicates that the ESG correlation coefficient between KLD and Sustainalytics is 0.53; the correlation coefficient for the E theme is 0.59, the correlation coefficient for the S theme is 0.31; and the correlation coefficient for the G theme is 0.02. These research results are derived from Berg et al. (2022).

Source: Florian Berg, Julian F Kölbel, Roberto Rigobon. “Aggregate Confusion: The Divergence of ESG Ratings.” Review of Finance, Vol 26, Issue 6 (2022): 1315–1344.

 

The uncertainty of such a rating approach produces several problems. First, even businesses that have invested heavily in ESG can still receive low ratings from some rating agencies. Second, companies that use ESG as a means of greenwashing or window dressing can instead get high ratings from some agencies. Coupled with the fact that many agencies keep churning out all sorts of league tables and awards for profit, the credibility of ESG ratings is going south. The resulting uncertainty over decisions based on ESG ratings poses formidable challenges for a wide range of decision-makers, including enterprises and investors.

To address this problem, we believe that, on the one hand, it is necessary to regulate the ESG-rating market to promote greater transparency of rating methodologies. On the other hand, enterprises should also further assess the actual costs and benefits of each ESG action and initiative so as to facilitate more rational ESG practices.

Specifically, enterprises should identify ESG actions conducive to not only social benefits but also effective cost control. By accurately identifying and prioritizing the implementation of these ESG measures, companies can ensure better value for money for each and every input. Hence, not only can a good market image and investor confidence be secured, but both social and economic benefits can also be expanded.

Ele.me sets an example with its fine-tuned interface

For implementation, enterprises are encouraged to identify low-cost ESG measures that yield high social benefits through experimentation. At the same time, companies can seek collaboration with academia to conduct precise assessments of the costs and social benefits of specific ESG action plans. We will outline a case of collaboration between Alibaba and academia to illustrate how businesses can derive greater social benefits at lower costs.

Ele.me, Alibaba Group’s online delivery services platform, is the second largest food delivery company in China, with over 700 million users in 2022. During a collaborative project with the platform, we studied how “green nudges” impacted the use of disposable tableware. Specifically, Ele.me has started a “green nudge” experiment in Beijing, Shanghai, and Tianjin. For customers in these three cities, the default option on the ordering interface is set to “no need for tableware” and those who choose this default option are awarded “Ant Forest ‘s Green Energy” points. This is a non-cash customer incentive. Once a customer has collected enough points, Alibaba will, in the name of the customer, plant trees in a desert area or launch other environmental protection actions.

Such a change may involve minimal costs for Ele.me but what social benefits can it bring? Our analysis of users’ orders in 10 major Mainland cities between 2019 and 2020 illustrates that cities where “green nudge” measures have been introduced have seen a 648% surge in no-cutlery orders (see Figure). Nationwide implementation of such measures is expected to save over 21.75 billion sets of single-use cutlery, thus reducing 3.26 million tons of plastic waste and saving 5.44 million trees from being cut down for timber. This study was featured as the cover story of the Science magazine in 2023, gaining wide attention from global media.

 

 

Figure    Share of no-cutlery orders in Ele.me’s green-nudge experiment: before and after

 

This case study demonstrates that it is possible for enterprises to honour their social and environmental commitments at a low cost. Just a few hours of work by a programmer is enough to generate tremendous social value. Such an innovative ESG action has not only boosted corporate ESG performance but also brought actual social benefits conducive to achieving national environmental goals.

Collaborative verification of strategy outcomes by enterprises and academia

While the collaborative study between businesses and academia mentioned above is just the tip of the iceberg, this methodology can be applied to the analysis of various problems. For instance, how can a leading company manage supply chains in terms of “E” in ESG? Given budget constraints, should enterprises invest more in reducing carbon emissions or focus more on air pollution management (in terms of “E” in ESG)? How would a wider diversity of staff and management impact the financial and ESG performance of businesses (in terms of “S” in ESG)? What assessment and evaluation mechanisms are most beneficial for enhancing business performance and staff satisfaction (in terms of “G” in ESG)? While it may be challenging for enterprises to find answers to these questions, it is a less daunting task for academia. By collaborating with academia, companies can leverage its theoretical base and data analytical capabilities to more precisely identify ESG opportunities and verify the effectiveness of their strategies. In our opinion, as far as ESG ratings are concerned, enterprises are not just “exam candidates” but should be drivers and practitioners of ESG. Undoubtedly, more collaborations between companies and academia will give a powerful impetus to ESG innovations.

 

Prof. Guojun He
Professor in Economics
Director, HKU Jockey Club Enterprise Sustainability Global Research Institute
Associate Director, Institute of China Economy

 

Ms Wendy Cui

 

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The U.S., Tariffs, and Trump

Coming under the global spotlight, the recent US presidential election was so closely contested that nationwide election polls showed Donald Trump and Kamala Harris in a dead heat with each other. At the time of writing this article, neither candidate managed to hold a lead beyond the margin of error. Under the influence of various factors, the accuracy of the public polls is questionable. After all, both the prediction of a victory for Hillary Clinton in the 2016 presidential election and the forecast of a landslide victory for the Republicans in a “red wave” in the 2022 mid-term elections failed to materialize. However, regardless of who wins the election, the international political and economic landscape is bound to undergo some serious changes as a result, especially if the often-considered “maverick” Trump comes to power.

Trump’s foreign economic policy approach was made quite clear in his first term as president with the slogan “Make America Great Again”. Concrete measures include rejection of win-win cooperation, withdrawal from multilateral agreements, targeting trading partners with trade surpluses against the US, and using tariffs as a main weapon. In his comeback this time, he has reiterated multiple times that, if elected, he will impose higher tariffs on imports from all countries. The tariff rates on Chinese imports will be between 60% and 100% or even higher, while those on imports from other countries will be as high as 10% to 20%.

Protectionism from the founding of the US to WWII

Tariffs are Trump’s favourite weapon in international negotiations to threaten other countries into submission. When he initiated the trade war in 2018, he arbitrarily used national security as a pretext to impose massive tariffs on imports from European Union and China. He even bragged, “I am a tariff man”, believing that “trade wars are good, and easy to win”. While delivering a stump speech at a rally in Chicago about two weeks ago, he said, “Tariff is the most beautiful word.” On another occasion, he boasted that tariffs could serve to fight for peace. In the event of a war between two countries, he claimed he could call both sides and warn them that if their conflict continues, America will levy tariffs on them, which would naturally bring an end to the war.

Trump’s obsession with tariffs suggests that he regards the tool as a virtual panacea for all foreign economic affairs. This may be attributed to different reasons or complexes. First, on the face of it, from his perspective as a businessman, getting goods out the door is a good thing. Otherwise, it is a bad thing. Likewise, a trade deficit is a problem for the US, and since tariffs can deal a blow to the sales of the importing country, of course it is a good policy. Second, whether intentional or not, Trump erroneously insists that the increased tariffs are borne by foreign countries rather than by American consumers. Since imposing the tariffs can also serve to lighten the burden of taxes on American companies and individuals, why not proceed with it?

On a deeper level, tariffs, as an indispensable external economic tool, have a long history in America. Trump’s views and policies about tariffs apparently echo historical precedents. During the Second World War, the US took the lead in establishing the global economic order. In the name of free trade, it called on other economies to open up their markets, as if free trade had always been the national policy and philosophy of America. On the contrary, from its founding to the Second World War, the country had been highly protectionist, with tariffs as the essential tool for its policy implementation.

Since the founding of America, the government’s role in economic development has been subject to change and debate. Even so, the fundamental approach has consistently been for the government to drive economic development with a visible hand.

While the American economy was largely agriculture-based and its economic strength paled in comparison to the UK, the nation regarded the latter as its chief competitive rival. Rejecting the free trade advocacy of the UK at the time, the US relied on high tariff rates to protect and develop its own industry and allocated government subsidies to build its infrastructure in a bid to catch up with the UK. This sentiment grew much stronger when the two countries went to war again in 1812.

A boon to social harmony and economic development

The high regard the US places on levies is evident in its high tariffs over the years. Calculating only the imports subject to tariffs, the average tariff rate during the 1820s once reached a staggering 60% and still hovered between 40% and 50% in the second half of the 19th century. Even including imports unaffected by tariffs, the average tariff rate throughout the 19th century was 30%. By the early 20th century, despite having undergone a downward adjustment, the average US tariff rate rose back to approximately 60% after the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act was passed during the Great Depression of the 1930s. Hefty tariffs led to retaliation from trading partners and such mutually destructive practices are regarded as one of the reasons for the world economy’s predicament during the Great Depression.

Apart from protecting domestic industrial development, steep tariffs were also a main source of income for the US government. While high tariffs do not necessarily lead to increased revenue, they did account for 90% or more of state coffers in various fiscal years during the 19th century.

During the decades between 1870 and 1910, the average US tariff rate was as high as 50%. Such a high share of tariffs in fiscal revenue can primarily be attributed to the absence of income taxes. While a form of income taxes existed during the Civil War, the US business income tax and personal income tax, as we know them today, were introduced by legislation later in 1909 and 1913 respectively. After that, tariffs became much less important fiscally. Nevertheless, for over 100 years before 1913, tariff income afforded the US government significant fiscal space to maintain social harmony and facilitate economic advancements. Although there is considerable controversy surrounding the extent to which tariffs and protectionism have promoted US industrial and economic development, the long-standing and prominent presence of tariffs makes it more readily acceptable to Americans.

That being said, tariffs as a type of tax have a clear problem in that they are inherently regressive rather than progressive, unlike income taxes, which are a common form of taxation nowadays. Everyone, rich or poor, pays the same levy rate when buying the same product. In contrast, the tax as a share of income is lower for the rich than for the poor. This means that the tax rate is relatively lower for higher-income earners, thus contravening the principle of fair taxation in the eyes of many.

All these considerations, though not the principal cause of the American Civil War, do reflect certain conditions in the country. Although the South had a lower income than the North, it paid the same amount of import tariffs. In fact the industrial sector protected by these tariffs was chiefly located in the North.

By the early 20th century, the importance of tariffs diminished in the US. For one thing, with its productivity already surpassing that of the UK, the US became the world’s biggest economy. Also the world leader in industrial development, the US could better afford the impact of reduced trade protection. Out of consideration for a fair tax system, the country shifted to a new system with income taxes as the major source of fiscal revenue. In addition, some regard tariffs as undesirable because they can lead to corruption. Given the myriad of commercial products, there are bound to be loopholes for tariff exemptions. The higher the tariffs, the greater the incentive for seeking tax exemptions and the more money the briber is willing to pay. In light of Trump’s proposal to impose tariffs on imports from all countries, commentators are already concerned about the considerable administrative costs involved in handling tariff exemption applications and the potential rise in corruption cases.

Trump’s views on tariffs may be influenced by Robert Lighthizer, the trade representative he appointed during his last presidency. Perhaps that is why Lighthizer was one of the few cabinet members who managed to serve out his full four-year term without being fired by Trump. Last year, Lighthizer published a new book entitled No Trade Is Free, presenting his narrative on world trade and China trade. Adopting a rather hawkish stance, the book paints a generalized picture of tit-for-tat dynamics between China and the US. It depicts China as the country firing the first shot with its policies, resulting in a trade deficit for the US and causing job losses. The US responds by retaliating, leading to a trade war, etc.―a narrative that has become all too familiar today.

President authorized by Constitution to directly revise tariffs

Just like Trump, Lighthizer is also gravely concerned about the US trade deficit. He believes that America should maintain a balanced trade and, towards this end, the government can depreciate the greenback or force other currencies to appreciate by imposing tariffs on countries unwilling to comply. Such a tactic is reminiscent of the Plaza Accord in the 1980s, under which the US pressured the Japanese yen to appreciate. With Trump’s possible return to the White House, Lighthizer may regain favour and even assume a higher position than trade representative.

Judging by Trump’s personality and behaviour during his first tenure, if re-elected, he would most likely levy tariffs on imports from all nations, dealing a severe blow to global trade. According to the US Constitution, while the power to set tariffs rests with Congress rather than the president, under certain circumstances—such as trade discrimination by a foreign country against US products or unfair trade practices against the US, Congress can authorize the president to retaliate with tariffs.

The long-standing narrative of China’s unfair trade practices, framed by the US to suppress China, is one of the few consensuses between Republicans and Democrats. Trump may be able to bypass the Constitution and directly introduce an across-the-board 60% tariff on Chinese imports. However, his proposal to impose 10% or 20% tariffs on imports from all other countries may face challenges from the Democrats. This will depend on the post-election distribution of seats in the two houses of Congress.

 

Dr. Y. F. LUK
Honorary Associate Professor in Economics

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