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HKEJ Column

Home Research Thought Leadership HKEJ Column
Is Low Saving Rate Causing Trade Deficit in the U.S.?

Is Low Saving Rate Causing Trade Deficit in the U.S.?

2 Nov 2022
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美國外貿逆差是因為儲蓄率過低?

美國前總統特朗普在2018年對中國發起的貿易戰,轉眼已4年多,到今天仍然處在膠着狀態。中美在2020年初簽訂第一階段協定後,並無進一步的實質磋商。拜登上台後進一步打壓中國,並拉攏盟友發動更凌厲的科技戰和晶片戰,加上新冠肺炎的出現和地緣政治的急速演變,使曾經困擾中美政府和金融市場的貿易戰變得無關宏旨,鮮有媒介提及。

從表面論述來看,貿易戰源於中美貿易的不平衡。特朗普及其幕僚從錯誤的重商主義觀點出發,認為美國的外貿逆差會減少美國的生產和就業;而中國的順差,是採用不公平貿易政策讓中國工人取去美國工人飯碗而達致的。以關稅為武器的貿易戰,就是要減少美國從中國進口,將工作崗位還給美國工人。

對華貿易戰無助扭轉逆差

人民幣滙率曾經是美國多次提及的不公平貿易政策之一。美國認為人民銀行操縱滙率以降低中國商品的美元價格。中國曾在九十年代初期被美國列為滙率操縱國,但那是在滙率改革之前,滙率制度仍有計劃經濟的影子。隨後多年來,中國都不符合美國自己制定的滙率操縱的3個準則。此外,在2005至2015年期間,人民幣兌美元已上升了47%。但在貿易戰中人民幣處於弱勢,在貶值至兌美元破7後,即使仍未符合美國所謂滙率操縱的準則,美國仍然隨即宣布中國是滙率操縱國。然而,人民幣或其他美國貿易夥伴的貨幣滙率,並不影響美國總體貿易逆差。

基於國民收入核算,一個經濟體在儲蓄與投資上的差距,就等於外貿順差。簡單而言,若果儲蓄多於投資,儲蓄下來的資源沒有全部在本地運用,那自然是給外國使用了,表現出來的就是出口高於進口,也就是貿易順差,最明顯的例子是中國。反過來說,若儲蓄少於投資,當地的資源不足以應付投資需求,便得從外國進口,表現出來就是外貿逆差,最明顯的例子是美國。

假設人民幣升值,又或美國向中國商品徵收關稅,兩者都會增加美國消費者購買中國商品的美元價格,因而減少美國與中國貿易的逆差。然而,人民幣的滙率與關稅都不會直接影響美國的儲蓄和投資,因而也不影響美國與外國的總貿易逆差。逆差總數不改,但與中國的逆差減少,美國與其他地方的逆差必然增加了。換句話說,美國促使人民幣升值或向中國產品徵收關稅等政策,只會使美國消費者由從中國進口改為從其他地方進口。美國的貿易逆差總數不改變,工作崗位也不會回流到美國。

基於有關的國民收入核算,美國若要縮減外貿逆差總數,一是增加儲蓄,一是減少投資。美國的外貿逆差這麼龐大,反映出美國的儲蓄遠低於投資。從政策的角度看,很少會建議減少投資的,因此有關外貿逆差的分析,重點便放在儲蓄上。儲蓄率低的經濟體,便容易出現貿易逆差。

布雷頓森林制度瓦解所致

眾所周知,美國人的消費偏向甚高,或儲蓄偏向甚低,加上美國聯邦政府的財政赤字,有貿易逆差不足為奇。然而,根據美國政府數據,美國的商品貿易在1971年之前都是順差的。但從1971年至今,除1973年外,美國每年都錄得外貿逆差,這大概和布雷頓森林制度的瓦解有關。

1971年美元和黃金脫鈎後成為最主要的國際貨幣,美國可以不受約束地發行美元,而且得到全球接受。這自然大大方便了美國的進口,而外國得到的美元則轉過來投放在美元資產,如美國政府債券。美國的外貿總逆差在1971年只有13億美元,到去年已大幅增加至8450億美元。與此同時,外國持有的美國政府債券由1975年6月的660億美元,大幅增加至本年6月的74300億美元。可以說,如果布雷頓森林制度得以維持,美國不能大量增加貨幣供應向外國進口,美國的外貿逆差也不會像今天這麼龐大。

這裏先稍作總結。基於國民收入核算,一個經濟體的貿易順差或逆差,必然等於其儲蓄高於或低於投資的數值。貿易的逆差與否,受到國內宏觀行為的規範。一些試圖減少貿易逆差的政策,如滙率或關稅,都不能改變總貿易逆差,最多只會改變總逆差在不同貿易夥伴間的分布。美國的貿易逆差源於美國較低的儲蓄率及美元的國際地位,要減少逆差,須提高美國的儲蓄率。

然而,上述只是理解有關問題的一個常見角度,但並不是唯一的角度。從國民收入核算得到的是一個會計結果,是經濟活動結束後的觀察,並不能說明經濟活動進行時的考慮和其中的因果關係。在論述中,美國的儲蓄和投資行為是主導因素,外國被動地配合,出口到美國去彌補美國因儲蓄太少導致資源的不足,隨後持有的美元資產只反映美國與外國的貿易不平衡。

海外資金主動流入美國

可是,今天的國際資金流動遠高於外貿所需。按照國際清算銀行每3年一次的調查,在今年4月,全球的外滙成交總額為每天7.5萬億美元,而去年全球的貿易總額為28.5萬億美元。換句話說,外滙市場僅4天的交投量,便足以應付全球整年的貿易所需,餘下來360天的外滙買賣,主要反映國際投資和外滙炒賣的活動。在金融全球化的今天,資金流動早超越貿易考慮。因此,海外資金可以是主動地流入美國,從而帶動美國的貿易逆差。和以上論述作比較,就是因果轉換。

這後者的看法並不新鮮。剛出爐的諾貝爾經濟學獎得主之一、前聯儲局主席貝南奇早在2005年便有全球儲蓄過剩(global saving glut)、資金流入美國,導致美國經常賬出現愈來愈高赤字的說法。儲蓄率高的地方自然是亞洲和石油輸出國,這些經濟體持有美元資產作為儲蓄組合的一部分,是考慮到美國金融市場的深度、廣度和流動性,以及美元的全球地位。從這個角度出發,美國理應為能夠吸引這些外來資金而高興,並通過外貿逆差暫時購入較多的外國產品,最好能通過政策緩和貿易帶來的收入不均,而非對外國發動貿易戰。

按美國智庫彼得森國際經濟研究所的計算,中美貿易戰在2018年7月啟動後,美國從中國的進口隨即下跌,在2020年新冠疫情期間,與貿易戰開始時相比減少了22%,隨後慢慢回升,到本年3月才回復2018年7月的水平,但仍然未追上貿易戰前的上升趨勢。相反,美國從其他地方的進口,除了新冠肺炎的短暫影響外,則大幅上升,今年8月與貿易戰開始時增加了38%。這些數字,一方面符合上面所說,貿易戰只是轉移美國的貿易逆差來自哪些貿易夥伴,而不會怎樣影響逆差的總值。另一方面,這幾年的演變,背後不純粹是貿易戰的作用。除了關稅外,中美脫鈎、新冠肺炎、地緣政治等因素都帶動全球供應鏈的重新組合,因而也改變了中美貿易的形態。

 

陸炎輝博士
港大經管學院榮譽副教授

(本文同時於二零二二年十一月二日載於《信報》「龍虎山下」專欄)

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